
“constitutional” to an ‘imperial’ Presidency, there was a single administration in
which the balance tipped decisively, it was the Presidency of Lyndon Johnson.”
– PATH TO POWER
Over the last year when I have considered what books I would take on to understand LBJ, Robert J. Caro’s four-volume set (with a fifth in the works) was always recommended. No, said I, never. I disliked LBJ, thought him reprehensible in ways — his vulgarity, his humiliation of subordinates, etc — and even if I respected his power as a political actor I didn’t want to read thousands of pages of Caro. Still, sitting at my desk I see Caro all day long, and I wondered — what kind of writer was he? So, following up on Launching LBJ, which covered (briefly) the Kennedy-LBJ transition, I decided to look at Caro’s own treatment and gobbled down seven hundred pages in a weekend. Caro lives up to his reputation.
The Passage of Power is fourth in Robert Caro’s monumental “The Years of Lyndon Johnson” series, one that has been in the making so long that Richard Nixon read it and disapproved of how it reduced LBJ to ‘animal instincts’.) Why am I making my introduction to Caro through the fourth volume in his work? Well, one, it’s the only volume of Caro my library has, and two, it’s of a period in Johnson’s life of immediate interest to me. If all we had was his volume on Lyndon Johnson, Poor Kid and Congressional Aide, it would probably still be sitting on the shelves. But Passage details Johnson’s gamble: to leave his post as master of the Senate to serve as vice presidency, seeing it as his only hope of getting near 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. The rise of Kennedy was wholly unexpected: he looked like death half the time, and he was almost never at work!
The gamble was desperate and dire: Johnson went from holding Washington by the short hairs to being a man in the corner who all of JFK’s buddies made jokes about. Johnson’s tendency to resort to folksy expressions and stories a la Abraham Lincoln made him an object of ridicule among Kennedy’s bright young things, who dismissed him as Uncle Cornpone. Interestingly, JFK appears to have wanted to make more use of LBJ, but there appears to have been little communication between the two as to how Johnson was to best serve. It didn’t help that Johnson had practically no alone time with JFK, so LBJ appears to have thought his best course was to withdraw despite asserting that ‘power is where power goes’. JFK and the New Frontier people were too insular and dismissive to ever take him seriously. Their blood was azure, their degrees lambskin — to them, regardless of his accomplishments, despite his previous power in the Senate, LBJ was just some hick from Texas hill country. Despite being Vice President, he was not the number two man in Washington: Bobby Kennedy, a jumped-up lawyer appointed Attorney General despite never having tried a case, was. He had the President’s ear. Johnson was lucky to be invited into the room with the New Frontier Boys.
Where the book gets interesting is Johnson’s sudden transition once in authority. The great bull, castrated and humiliated for two years, was suddenly large and in charge once again — and he had a mission. Congressional LBJ had always voted against Civil Rights measures and weakened Eisenhower’s ’57 bill — but his political decisions were at variance with the man himself, who had taught poor Mexican kids and had personally interceded several times over Civil Rights matters, forcing one group in Florida who wanted him to speak to allow the seating of black guests, even if only at their own table. Once LBJ was in the West Wing, he was able to use the tragedy of Kennedy’s death to push “Kennedy’s bill” into being debated and passed. It was quite the turn round, and Caro impresses by making me believe Johnson suppressed his sympathetic instincts as legislator to better exercise his political instincts. Yes, the ’57 bill was weakened by LBJ — but it could not have passed otherwise. A few yards of forward momentum is better than none at all.
This was a heck of a book, somehow making a man I disliked into a subject of total immersion. Granted, I’ve kept running into Lyndon over the summer and have gotten increasingly interested in better understanding him, but all the same I was glad to not run into the vulgarian in this book. We see a man riding a rollercoaster from power to despair to power again, and then attempting to use that power towards good ends. (The means are another thing: one of the other reasons I dislike LBJ was his staggering expansion of the federal government, but that’s not the subject of this book.) It should be noted that this series, the Years of Lyndon Johnson, is not purely about Johnson: this volume contains character profiles of people Johnson worked with or against, like RFK, and those are fascinating in their own right. I can now see why Caro is regarded so favorably and want to consider his Master of the Senate — eventually.
Given that LBJ is alive and well when this book ends, ‘the Johnson treatment” is not done — but given how much of his earlier context Caro weaves in here for context, and the amount of Johnson that popped up during the summer, I am satisfied with entering LBJ’s name into the Hail to the Chief lists.
Quotations
[LBJ] had been enveloped by power. (“Good morning, Leader,” “Could I have a minute of your time, Leader?”, “Mr. Leader, I never thought you could pull that one off.”) Of course, they would be happy to let him running it. “He thought he WAS the senate,” Neil MacNeil says.
Among Johnson’s assistants were men who loved him, and they could hardly bear to watch the way their Chief was being treated [by JFK]. The adoring Horace Busby, to whom Johnson would have been a father figure had Busby loved and revered his father, was in fact physically unable to bear it.
“Just when you get Bobby typed as the white hope, compassionate, he’ll do something so bad it’ll jar you completely, destroy you faith in him,” a journalist wrote. “And just as you’re ready to accept the excessive condemnations, to accept him as ruthless and diabolical, he’ll do something so classy it stuns you. The inescapable truth about Robert Kennedy is that the paradoxes are real, the conflicts do exist.” Said another, “From one day to the next, you never know what Bobby Kennedy you’re going to meet.”
“Like so many other aspects of Lyndon Johnson’s assumption of the presidency — the presidential transition of 1963 — the imminence of those dates made it a transition unlike any other in American history. No Vice President had ever come to office with so little time in which to establish a record on which he could run in his own right. Johnson, Neustadt was to write, ‘faced the unprecedented challenge of assuming office and then running for election in the same first year.'”








